Under the Censor’s Eye: Israel Widens Media Restrictions Amid Iran War
Israel has significantly tightened media censorship in recent weeks as military operations against Iran enter a dangerous new phase, marking an unprecedented clampdown on both foreign and domestic reporting. Under emergency measures, the government is wielding new laws, expanded military censorship, and broadcasting bans—curtailing press freedom in what officials call an effort to maintain national security amid escalating missile exchanges and raids.
According to +972 Magazine, Israel’s Military Censor blocked a record-high 1,635 articles in 2024 and partially redacted 6,265—an average of 21 interventions per day, up from 10 during the 2014 Gaza war . The volume has surged further under the current tensions with Iran, reflecting a heightened level of government scrutiny into any media deemed a threat to military operations.
The censorship apparatus, overseen by Brig. Gen. Kobi Mandelblit, now exercises expanded authority over foreign outlets. In some instances, Mandelblit sought an Attorney-General review of Israeli journalists who shared censored material with overseas press —raising questions about press autonomy and whistleblowing amid wartime.
In April 2024, the Knesset passed the so-called “Al‑Jazeera Law,” granting the state power to shut down or seize equipment from foreign broadcasters deemed “harmful to national security.” That law was extended and expanded this year, targeting outlets such as Al‑Mayadeen, Al‑Jazeera, and even equipment held by major agencies like the Associated Press .
Al‑Jazeera is banned from operating in Israel, with its Jerusalem bureau shuttered and staff harassed .
In May 2024, Israeli forces confiscated AP equipment broadcasting live from Gaza—accusing them of aiding banned outlets .
Emergency regulations have also been applied to block Lebanese broadcaster Al‑Mayadeen and impose “consumption of terrorist material” laws penalising journalists .
Domestic outlets such as Haaretz face pressure through budget cuts, state-ad spending bans, and verbal attacks by senior officials . Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi has moved to centralise control over public broadcaster Kan, and established regulatory bodies under ministerial oversight—criticised by the Attorney-General as enabling political interference .
Journalists report a climate of intimidation: arrests, summonses, threats, cyberattacks, and confiscation of equipment have become commonplace . Many choose self-censorship, fearing prosecution under wartime laws or reprisal for "weak" coverage of military actions.
Foreign journalists in Israel and Gaza now must operate under strict military escort and often face pre-publication approval . The Supreme Court has refused to overturn military blocks on foreign-camera equipment in Gaza, citing operational security .
Press freedom groups warn this harms independent reporting. The Committee to Protect Journalists cautions that such controls can “damage accountability” and blind the world to military human rights violations .
In parallel, Israel struck the Tehran studios of IRINN (Islamic Republic of Iran News Network) during a live broadcast on June 16, killing two journalists. The IDF said it targeted a military communications node embedded in the building; Iran responded by condemning it as a war crime aimed at silencing truth .
Reports describe anchor Sahar Emami halting mid-transmission as explosions rocked the studio—demonstrating a willingness to extend censorship across borders during this conflict .
Israeli officials assert the censorship measures fall under wartime legal prerogatives designed to prevent leaks of troop movements or civilian casualties that could jeopardise soldiers’ lives or help Iran. Mandelblit and Karhi argue unfiltered reporting poses strategic risks and propaganda leverage for enemy states .
Yet civil society groups, including Reporters Without Borders and ARTICLE 19, say the restrictions are disproportionate, threatening democracy and masking possible violations in Gaza or Iran .
Press associations and human rights organisations have issued urgent calls for restraint. RSF warns that undermining press pluralism undercuts Israel's democratic credentials . The CPJ, ARTICLE 19, and others stress that “during war and peace, press freedom must endure”
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As of 2025, Israel ranks 108th in the World Press Freedom Index—dropping sharply from 88th in 2020—a slide observers attribute largely to wartime restrictions and government pressure .
Accessing accurate information about the Iran conflict has become especially fraught. Details on missile interceptions, civilian evacuations, and cross-border strikes are heavily censored—not only within Gaza but now within Israel itself . Journalists faced fresh legal risks for reporting missile trajectories, casualty figures, or internal security operations—once freely covered during past wars .
This blackout has created an “information void” that transparency advocates warn war-propaganda can fill, further entrenching narratives favourable to the government’s military agenda.
Israel’s more aggressive censorship emerges alongside its readiness to strike Iranian media within Iran—signaling that this war is being fought not only on battlefields, but in broadcast studios and news websites. The government’s dual-pronged approach—silencing dissent at home and combating “enemy propaganda” abroad—reflects the perceived existential stakes as missile shields and nuclear sites become flashpoints.
The interplay between military operations and media control indicates that Israel views the global narrative as central to its war strategy. How the public, both domestically and globally, understands this conflict may prove decisive in legitimising actions, securing alliances, and shaping diplomatic postures.
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